This year has been one of great encouragement to us in many ways. A number of people have been kind enough to write in to express appreciation of our first editorial attempts and one Member, in Canada, underlined her appreciation with a most generous donation to the Clan funds. Nobody has given any adverse criticism, other than on. a few minor points, and this too has served for encouragement. What has been especially cheering has been the number of new contributors to Creag Dhubh whose names appear this year for the first time, and at the risk of appearing to make distinctions, mention must be made of the most scholarly article which Patricia Goodfellow has sent us concerning the correspondence between Cluny and Dundee. Miss Goodfellow is still at school and if her level of scholarship is in any way typical of the results of Scottish education one feels that there is a very wonderful generation arising in the homeland. Further encouragement has been given, too, in the favourable reviews of Creag Dhubh that have appeared in the press and also in the number of publishers who consider our opinions of value and who have sent books and gramophone records, dealing with Scotland, Scots and Scottish affairs, for review. Our thanks goes to all of them.

      An article of particular interest is that which has come to us from Monsieur Chevallier who visited the Clan House in 1962. He sets a most absorbing problem regarding identity and any theories as to Lady Jeanne McPherson will be welcomed.

      One innovation in this number of Creag Dhubh is introduced in response to the suggestion, made by a surprising number of correspondents, that we include articles of specifically Highland interest to appeal not only to our own Members but to Scotsmen of all Clans everywhere. We are therefore printing something on Gaelic and on Gaelic verse in this year's journal and will take the subject further if this essay meets with favour. Equally, of course, it will be dropped if it is felt that such work goes outwith our brief.

      A final note of thanks must be given to the Branch Secretaries who have, most of them, sent in their news at an early date and have made the work of editing so much easier by their kindness in so doing.

      And a last appeal -- as we said last year, this is your Journal and we need you to give it life. Please write -even if it is no more than a personal letter to the Editor to give your opinions for better or worse!

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      A son-in-law of Lady Ley, the Tanistair's sister, saw in an antique shop in Godalming a framed letter from Prince Charles Edward to Cluny of the '45' asking him to disburse various sums of money to the Chiefs who had helped him in his campaign. The photostat of this letter together with the relevant receipts are now in the Clan Museum. As a result of this discovery "J.E." and "R.W.G." visited the owner of these documents, Mrs. Grant Young, who is the daughter of the late Grant Francis, author of the "Romance of the White Rose" and "The Scottish Royal Line". She was pleased to allow us to purchase these documents, which we have now done.

      The England and Wales Branch are very grateful for the contributions received towards this historic purchase.

      A list of subscribers and the contents of the two wallets are as follows:

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14. From Mr. William Murray, Secretary to the Prince, suggesting his going at once to France.
15. From Alexander Grant, dated 24.8.1705.

      In the recently re-discovered Cluny Charter Chest Letters is evidence that at the earliest possible moment he did everything he could to help them. As soon as he got on board the French ship which was to carry him to safety, he borrowed every penny he could raise from the officers and other gentlemen on board, and managed to collect £750, then worth probably at least twenty times its nominal equivalent today.

Such was his trust in Cluny that he immediately confided the whole sum to his care, with instructions how it should be distributed and receipts taken, as is shown by the photostat of his letter given on the next page.

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      Cluny faithfully carried out his instructions, as is shown by the receipts also found with the Charter Chest Letters. The receipt for the largest item reads as follows: "I Angus Cameron in Downan Brother German to Glenneves grant me to have received from Ewen McPherson of Cluny three hundred pounds Sterling as the proportion of the money left by his Highness P.R. for the immediate Subsistance of Locheil's Regiment by virtue of his own order to Cluny writ on Board the Ship for France -- which sum I promise will hold Count in witness wherof I have writen and subscrived these presents at Stronacardoch this sixth day of October 1746 by Angus Cameron." The other receipts take the same general form, specifying in each case that the money is a proportion of that left by His Royal Highness the Prince Regent with Cluny, when on board ship for France. "Angus McDonell of Grenfield Brother german to Lochgarry" acknowledges receipt of one hundred and fifty pounds "for the present and immediate subsistance of the Glengarry regiment". Angus Cameron further acknowledges the receipt of one hundred pounds for the immediate subsistance of Glenguile's Regiment, apparently the Macgregors and Stewarts referred to above. Finally, "Janet Stewart lady Keppoch", widow of the gallant Macdonald of Keppoch, who met such a tragic

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death at Culloden, acknowledges one hundred pounds "left with you as a gratuity to, be given me." by virtue of his Royal Highness's order.

      There are other receipts amounting to E325 dated 6th and 1 Ith August 1747, nearly a year later. They may refer to the French gold which arrived too late to be of service in the campaign and. was buried on the shores of Loch Arkaig. It also was entrusted to Cluny for distribution and a number of letters, which may throw fresh light on this controversial subject, are now in our possession, to be reported on in due course.
                                                                                                                                                   J. E. M.

[ "For the Maegregors and Stewarts a hundred pounds apiece       100."
Doesn't that really amount to £200? I wonder how Cluny managed to resolve this shortage ?

The Prince's error is easily understood. As indicated above, he wrote this letter on board the ship that was take him back to France after he had spent several months wandering around the Highlands or sailing over the seas looking for a way back. I expect the French captain was saying "Vit, vit!" while the Prince was writing, not relishing combat with the Royal Navy ships that were prowling the Hebrides looking for the Prince.]

      In the main the Clans were loyal to the Stuarts and Sir Ewan Dubh Cameron of Lochiel, that veteran of Highland politics, lost no time in acting. News of this was brought to the most prominent of the King's supporters, John Grahame of Claverhouse, who had recently been created Viscount Dundee. Dundee had left Edinburgh together with others of the loyalists and was at Dunblane where he was found by Drummond of Balhaldy, Lochiel's grandson and biographer, who reported that he had "told him of the confederacy of the Clans. . . . These agreable news confirmed him in his designs. He marched home to Dudhope, and though there was a Lyon Herald sent after him, ordering him to return under pain of high treason, yet he excused himself." This Dundee did in a letter to the Lords of Convention saying, 'I hope the Meeting of States will think it unreasonable I should leave my wife in the condition she is in . . . . I beg favour of a delay till she is brought to bed; and I will either give security, or paroll, not to disturb the peace'.       The Convention promptly replied by outlawing Dundee and, thus freed, he raised the, Royal Standard on Dundee Law on 16th April. At once General Mackay of Scourie, newly arrived from Holland and, in his own words, 'very indisposed, not being recovered of a great sicknese sit off with three regiments of the Scots Brigade to capture him.' But Dundee had forestalled him and had galloped north with a half-troop of horse. Mackay, on arrival, found only Lady Jeane, by now delivered of her first child, James. She gave him such a reception that he was glad to go off in pursuit of Dundee who, on the 25th, was already in 'Forres where he received news from his wife that the troops left to

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garrison the city of Dundee would defect to him if helped. He dashed southwards; on 29th April he played a cat-and-mouse game with Mackay at Cairn o' Mount, and then veered north again whilst his pursuer frantically bribed the inhabitants for information.

      At Gordon Castle Dundee was joined by Lord Dunfermline with forty horse and he arrived in Inverness on 1st May. Ranald Macdonell of Keppoch, with eight hundred men, had been sent there to act as an escort but that freebooting chieftain had spent his time of waiting in immuring the Orange-inclined citizens and, meanwhile, was busily engaged in extorting money from them to further his own private feud with the Mackintoshes. Typically the soul of tact, 'Dundee mildly composed all their Disputes and shewed himself so generous a Peacemaker that he gave his Bond for the Money'. However, although 'he sent friendly for Mackintosh', he could not reconcile him with Keppoch and the latter returned home with his loot, leaving Dundee's tiny force stranded. Mackay, already refreshed at Elgin, sent an order to Cluny to obey 'the Laird of Graunt's perticullar warrant' and warned him to be 'answerable vpon your highest peril for all things that shall fall out contrarie to the interest of the service by your non-concurrence and disobedience'. [The Cluny of this time was Duncan #16.]

      On 8th May, Dundee marched down Glen Mor to Cille Chumein (now Fort Augustus). At daybreak, he crossed the snow-swept Corrieyarrick, forded the Spey opposite Cluny and spent the night with Calum Macpherson who was the Duke of Gordon's forester near Dalwhinnie. Thence he embarked on a lightning campaign, in the course of which he raided Perth, captured an entire regiment of newly-raised horse and, in the name of King James, took possession of all the taxes raised for King William. A few days later, after a brief visit to his family, he was again on the march for Lochaber. He crossed the Moor of Rannoch, treacherous at any time but now suicidal with thaw and blinding sleet. Horses fell into frozen bogs and had to be shot, the men had to continue on foot. They could not complain -- Dundee himself took all the night watches. On May 17th they crossed a spur of Ben Nevis in time to meet the appointed day for the gathering of the Clans, who assembled on the 18th. He reported, 'Captain of Glenrannald (Clanranald) is near us these severall dayes; the Laird of Barro (MacNeill of Barra) is here with his men. I am persuaded Sir Donald (of Sleat) is there by this. McLean (of Lochbuy) lands in Morven to morrow certainly. (Stewart of) Apen, (Macdonald of) Glenco, Lochell, (Macdonald of) Largo, are all raidy. Sir Alexr. (MacLean of Otter) and (Macdonald of) Largo have been here with there men all this while with me'.

      Amidst all this, Dundee still found time to write long and lucid (though wonderfully spelled!) letters to 'all that have not already joyned Major Gen. Mackay, on this said Tay, who have any comand of men'. Amongst these letters was one to Cluny, to whom he wrote on 19th May: 'I hear M G McKay has been by threats and promises indevoring to engadge you in his rebellion against our Lauful Suverain King James, but I knou your constant Loyalty your honor and your conscience will

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secur you against such proposalls . . . I will not desyr you to apear in armes untill such time as you see us in body able to preserve you which I hop in God you shall in a feu days see. There is one thing I forwarn you of not to be alarumed with the danger they would make the world believe the protestant religion is in. They must make religion the pretext as it has been in all times of rebellion. I am as much concerned in it as any man, and will doe my indevors to see it secured'.

      Cluny was thus put in a cleft stick and his position was further complicated, a few days later, by yet another letter, this time from Mackay who also used religious arguments: 'I cannot beleeve you so much an ennemy to your eternall and temporall happyness, as to joyn with a compnie of papists (or wors than papists such as sacrifise all that ought to be of value to men of raison and pietie, which consists in the Maintenance of Religion and liberty) to labour to overturn the begun deliverance which God hath in his mercy wrought thus far for vs'.

      Cluny thought it best for the good of the Clan to avoid becoming involved. Some of the Clan, though, thought otherwise for, on 27th May when Dundee chased Mackay down Strathspey, they joined his forces. It was on this march that Keppoch burned down old Ruthven Castle after Dundee had let Mackay's garrison go free. Keppoch, at the same time, had his final revenge on the fence-sitting Mackintosh for he burned Dunachton Castle behind Dundee's back. It is assumed that these Macphersons returned home when Dundee passed, pursued by Mackay, on his way back to Lochaber. From the most honourable of motives Cluny, meanwhile, decided that the interests of his Clan came before the quarrels of his King and he continued to ignore all approaches from both sides.

      Dundee seems to have understood Cluny's attitude for, in his next letter (July 14th) he gives all the news and then adds, 'this I wryt to you to be communicat to all the gentrey of Badenoch, so call them togither for from the head to the foot I will spair non that Joyns not. The gentrey must march themselves, and I expect 400 men and no expenses will be allowed. McIntosh, Grants, and all must come out'. Cluny, ever prudent, ignored this letter too. Again Dundee wrote, on the 18th, giving more news, 'the french fleet having bate the dutch and keeped the inglish in . . the parlements of ingland and Scotland are all by the ears amongst themselves . . . I expect you will have all your contrey in armes on munday, and I shall send you word where to Joyn us. Nobody offers to sit my sumonds so I expect that you will not'. Then, losing some of his monumental patience, he assumes the highhanded attitude befitting a Lieutenant-General and adds, 'This I desyr you will communicat to the rest of the gentrey of the contrey and befor Sundays night. Lait me have your positive answer in wryt not by proxie and that signed or I will not notice it'.

      This letter Cluny ignored once again. Dundee patiently sent him 'a copie of the Kings instructions ' and told him, 'You will see thereby hou you oght to walk', remarking that he could have his army when he whistled for it, 'I can be tuyce as strong as ever when I please'. He

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also seeks intelligence saying, 'I expect to hear from you what M G Mackay is lyk to doe . . . Any word you have a mynd to send me you may cause delyver it to Alex. Mcdonald who keep gaird in Glenroy'. By the 20th, however, Dundee had received no word from Cluny and realised that neither explanation nor coaxing was having any effect. He took then to warning Cluny and, letting him see some of his wellchecked mettle, wrote, 'I am ready to assist all honest men. It is nou no more time to look on when all your nighbours are ingadged, I asseur you it will prove your uter ruin if you doe; so you will doe well to drawe to armes or be looked on as rebelles. If you sit this sumonds you shall not often be troubled with mor letters from me so I desyr a positive answer and I requyr you to call the contrey and intimat this to them'. But, even then, his pawky sense of huniour prevailed and he added, 'Schomberg has refused to head the P of Orange armey for fear of loosing his honor with new troops that will run for it'.

      On 22nd July, Dundee wrote again, politely, to Cluny and began his letter with typical irony, 'Sir -- Our people coming from this contrey which doeth not abound in provisions will want meat when they come into Badinoch. I am unwilling that they should go loose in your countrey (to seek provisions as they did last) for fear of ruining it, wherefore I send you this advertisment that you may cause provisions come in again to morous night near to the place of Clunie, for fiveteen hunder men for two dayes. The rest of our men are provided. If yow faill in this lett the blaim. of all the dissorders that shall be comitted be upon you. These who bring in the provisions shall be fully satisfyed for them. I expect that the countrey will be raidy in armes to join us seeing Marr and Atholl are immediatly to do it, and I may say all benorth Tay and a good part besouth, so nou is the time if ever, for to show yourselves loyall men. I pray you force me not, to do things to yow, against my inclination. -- I am Sir Your assured freend and humble servant Dundie. -- In answer to yours yow and your friends are to meet me to morous night (without faill) at Garva. Sir, bak these letters and send them to the most considerable of the gentrey of Badenoch'.

      Dundee, nicknamed 'An Greumach, the man of excellent nature' was very evidently worried lest his Highlanders should give way to their love of plunder. Mackay was not so troubled, for he wrote to Cluny ordering him to get 200 cows and 600 sheep to 'Rivan in Badenough ... if yow faill in this I assure yow I will turne the armey loose upon the country, who will not spaire neither houses nor comes. Take this advertisement'.

      On the following evening Dundee with his army, 1,800 strong, waded across the Spey to confer with Cluny at Garva. 'Cleabhers, youthful, active, urbane' seems to have made an impression on the Chief who, from that day onwar ds, was a dedicated icate Jacobite. Dundee decided there was no need for the Macphersons to join him then, as long as they were ready at call. At Breakachie he signed a bond to Cluny for 659 merks (£439 6s. 8d.). Then 'by the hills of Druim Uachdar came

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fort the gentry . . . When we reached Atholl we were favoured only with women -- men kept out of our way'. From Blair Castle, late on the night of the 26th, Dundee put pen to paper to write to Cluny for the last time and to tell him of the latest events.

      At daybreak on the 27th July, Mackay was very near and very vulnerable as he threaded his way by the Pass of Killiecrankie. Dundee led his men behind Lude Hill. At lunch-time the mystified Mackay emerged and Dundee left him alone whilst he drew up his 3,500 men in a long thin line. Then text-book tactics were thrown to the wind.

      The ensuing battle is commemorated in Gaelic verse by Iain Lom and Angus Mac Alasdair Roy. 'There stopped on the incline above the shadow of the thickets those who quickly put the unrighteous ones to flight'. 'The Gaels let fall their plaids above the gate of Raon-Ruairidh'. 'Began our smiting at the bowing of the sun ... when poured forth your gallants, no swarm of cow-herds they, but those who could strike blows spiritedly ... right defiant our sparring, though strong their hopes they lost their ground and their souls after'. 'The kail and pottage folk, all whom Mackay had, in flight! ... many a plaidless Gael pursuing a Red-coat'. 'Many a comely young gallant, without a handful of flesh on him, would cleave skulls, marrow and sinews ... not of tow, but of flax your raiment ... (the enemy) got an onset in the wood from the hard blades of Conn's seed which sent you pell-mell and heavily wounded over the hill ... Heroic Cleibhers of the horses, my utter ruination what befell you at the beginning of the contest. Flame of fire to them your anger ... great was the slaughter of your hands under a white helmet, and your body, lightly clad and fair, was without accoutrement ... the bullet pierced you under the folds of your clothes'.

      Cluny must have arrived too late even for the burial of 'Dark John of the Battles', to find 'in Raon-Ruairi of the clumps many a grave and stiff corpse, a thousand shovels and spades levelling them down' and the army 'under sorrow, though we had chased them'.

      Colonel Cannon took command and, three weeks later -- let the bard Angus tell it -- 'It was never their custom to stand in the shelter of a wall, as was done at Dunkeld. The heroes fell, and this is wretched that they should fall by lead, seeing that cow-herds could shoot it. The day of Dunchaillein told that Cleabhers was dead'. Cluny and the Clan were there.

      It was a similar story at Cromdale on 1st May 1690, when the remnants were taken by surprise and when, in spite of bungling leadership, the Macphersons present battled with their usual gallantry. Cluny and his Clan, devoted and selfless, suffered much for the Cause, but all in vain. It was lost. Iain Lom gives his reasons for it, reasons with which none can disagree, when he says, addressing King James, 'But if you do not come on the spot now that your trusted men are lost, you might as well be in Egypt', and, addressing "Dundithe the Good", he says, 'There had been no enemy up between Orkney and Tweed were it not for the stitch-like pain that pierced you in front'.

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Facsimile of Dundee's autograph letter to Cluny, dated from Blair Castle, 26th July, 1689 -- the evening before the Battle of Killiecrankie -- and addressed -- "For the Laird of Clunie in Baddnoch"

                                                                                                                              Blair Castle July 26

      Sir -- my Lord Muray is retyred doun the contrey. all the Atholl men have left them saive, Stratherel, Achintully and Baron Read (of) Straloch and they will not byd my doun coming to morou. the rest of the heritors will be here to morou. they will Joyn us and I supose to morou you will have ane answer. so if you have a mynd to preserve your self and to serve the king be in armes to morou that when the letter comes you may be here in a day. all the world will be with us blissed be God. -- I am Sir your most humble -- servant -- Dundie -- my service to all the loyall gentrey of Baddnoch.

line 1: Lord Muray -- son of the Marquis of Athol. He had declared for William.
line 5: Stratherel --
line 6: Achintully -- Spalding of Ashintully, Athol.
line 6: Baron Read Straloch -- Leonard Robertson of Straloch. Rua or Reid was a patronymic sometimes used amongst the Robertsons. Dundee had written a former letter to this man, but it had obviously had no effect!

      It may be noted that Dundee's letters were usually a good deal neater than this one -- though his spelling was always unpredictable! It may well be that he wrote this at a time when he was extremely weary after his four-day march from Lochaber.

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      Clansmen and others, in speaking of this, have often observed that it is no more than a first step towards the ancient system of land tenure under which a Clan lived freely in its own territory, each man having equal rights with his neighbour. It has been maintained that the horrors of the Clearances were due to this fact being over-ruled by the introduction of southern customs of which decadent Chiefs took advantage to claim rights which he had never before possessed to be complete owner of lands which had, formerly, been owned by the corporate body of the Clan. In fact this is not correct.

      From very early times the land under a Chief's rule was divided and sub-divided amongst many tacksmen, who were "superior tenants", each paying an annual rental to the Chief. The tacksmen, in turn, divided their tacks amongst sub-tenants who paid him for their tenancy either in cash, in kind or in labour. This system was admirably suited to the primitive community of the ancient Highlands, but it broke down as more modern methods of trade and agriculture began to filter through into the hills. The Chiefs then found the need for money more pressing and were quickly alive to the fact that the small rents that they, themselves, received from the tacksmen were considerably less than the rents that the tacksmen obtained from the sub-division of their tacks. The Chiefs thereupon raised the tacksmens' rents, and the tacksmen, in their turn, 'Put the screw on' their own tenants. So the vicious cycle was begun, leading ultimately to the disgrace of the Clearances when Chiefs paid all attention to their financial responsibilities to themselves and their families and, at the same time, forgot their moral responsibilities towards their Clansmen.

      Notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, the old Highland proprietor took very good care to have written titles to his land and many of these are still in existence dating back as far as the 12th century, and they show that the land-ownership was vested in the title holders absolutely, and not in trust for the people. The proprietor granted leases of his lands, he collected his rents and he evicted such tenants As did not fulfil their obligations to him.

      Examples of this are not a few. In 1642 Alexander Macrae held lands and sheilings in Kintail for which he was bound to pay to the landlord "or to his factors in his name, having his power" the sum of forty pounds of rent, and was also obliged to deliver yearly to the laird "ane sufficient white plaid", three stones of butter, twelve cheeses, a fat kid, a fat calf, and one mutton or good sheep. No mean rental, this!

      Evictions for non-payment of rent in the Highlands go back far before the nineteenth century and the Clearances. A warrant of removal still existing shows that Sir Rory Mackenzie of Findon and Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul evicted nineteen tenants for arrears of rental in 1688.

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      That evictions were not taken for granted by the sufferers, but were bitterly and often forcibly resented is shown by many records. In 1692 John MacWilliam Vick Neill, in Wester Knockfin, was fined ten pounds Scots for deforcing an officer who attempted to poind his sheep for arrears of rent. Whilst, coming nearer to home, we read seven years later a "vindication" which was addressed to the Duke of Gordon from his feuars and tenants in Badenoch, in which they made a most bitter complaint against his factor, William Mackintosh of Borlum, whom they accused of having reported "one of the most wicked, malicious and notorious lies that his serpentine wit could invent, or the Devil could indite," going on to maintain that this lie "was never hatched or contrived without the concourse and inspiration of the father and author of lies". Our forefathers were certainly not mealy-mouthed!

      We should not allow ourselves to be deceived. Land-ownership by individuals has existed in the Highlands from early days. Tenancies, the payment of rents and evictions for failure in obligations were not a phenomenon arising suddenly as new ideas and new methods came into the Highlands from the south. There were, of course, great and widespread changes under the urge of economic pressure which bore upon the Chiefs who visited it upon the tacksmen who, virtually in a generation, disappeared from the scene. The changes, however, were not in the system of land-ownership by the Chiefs, but lay in a new notion which the Chiefs took of their responsibilities towards their Clansmen. This notion, substituting a feudal and overbearing domination for the former easy and paternal relationships, can only be attributed to the influence of English ideas, coming from a country where subserviance and unquestioning obedience to a feudal overlord were -- and to a great extent still are -- engrained in the national character.

      The new relationship between Chief and Clansman was the deciding factor leading to the Clearances. That the change in relationships was complete in the majority of cases is shown in the terms of the Badenoch vindication which has just been quoted. This could hardly have been made if Borlum had been no more than an early Sellar, engaged in carrying out abominations at the express wish of his master.

      A summary of the characters and the careers of Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson was written by Mr. Campbell, the Minister of Laggan. This is of considerable interest and is given in full hereunder. Readers

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will note that, from what Mr. Campbell says, the two men were not, apparently, brothers -- though various accounts of the Mutiny state that they were so related.

      "Samuel McPherson, aged about 28 years, unmarried, was born in the parish of Laggan in Badenoch and shire of Inverness; his father, stiff living, is brother to McPherson of Breakachy, a gentleman of considerable estate in that country, and is himself a man of unblemished reputation, and a plentiful fortune. Samuel was the only son of a first marriage, and received a genteel education, having made some progress in the languages, and studied for some time in Edinburgh with a writer (that is, an attorney), until about six years ago; he enlisted as a volunteer in Major Grant's company, where he was much respected both by the officers and private men, and was in a short time made a corporal.

      "Malcolm McPherson, aged about 30 years and unmarried, was likewise born in the same parish of Laggan, was son of Angus McPherson of Driminard, a gentleman of credit and repute, who bestowed upon Malcolm such education as that part of the country would afford. He enlisted about seven years ago in my Lord Lovat's company, where his behaviour recommended him to the esteem of his officers, and was soon made a corporal."

      In a nominal roll of the soldiers engaged in the Mutiny, the following names of Macphersons are recorded:

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      These observations would appear to indicate quite clearly that Dame Jeanne de McPherson and Lady Janet (or Jean) Fraser Macpherson of Cluny cannot possibly be the same person. We are, therefore, faced with a most intriguing problem. Who was Dame Jeanne and, above all, who was the Sieur de McPherson, her husband? One suggestion is that he might have been William the Purser, ancestor of the Blairgowries, who was the only leading man of the Clan to be killed in the FortyFive -- he was killed at Falkirk in January, 1746. But his wife's name was Anna. It is unfortunate that the photostat of the records, given by the French authorities to our contributor, are too smudged to allow reproduction here. The full text of the French (insofar as it is legible) is, however, given with an English translation.

      The whole thing presents a most delightful puzzle. Can anyone find a solution to it?

      After the Forty-Five a few Scottish families together with their servants and retainers, numbering about a score all told, took refuge in the small town of Sancerre on the left bank of the Loire, about thirty miles from Bourges. This latter town is the capital of the old province of Berri (now Cher Department) which has a long connection with Scotland, dating back to the Hundred Years War.

       The most important of this group of refugees was Lord John Nairne, a Scottish peer, who may well have chosen Sancerre in which to live on the advice of Louis Hector Drummond, Comte de Welford (born 1722) who was a General in the French service. This officer was a cousin twice removed of Lord John Drummond who accompanied Lord Nairne on his journey to France, where he had received a commission from the King in the Regiment of the "Royal Ecossais". His own father, Andrew, had married a local heiress in 1721 and, through his wife, was the owner of the estates of Ivoy-le-Pr/e, near Sancerre, where he had numerous friends among the gentry.

      Another possible reason for choosing Sancerre was the fact that there was a strong Protestant tradition still alive in that district and a considerable amount of religious tolerance prevailed there. Furthermore the cost of living was particularly low in that part of France, and this was an important consideration for people whose estates had been confiscated and who were obliged to live on the bounty of the French King or else upon the meagre salaries of officers in the French army.

      Lord Nairne and his wife, Catherine Murray, had been living in the utmost poverty in the neighbourhood of Paris, and they moved to Sancerre in 1752. They were accompanied then, or followed shortly afterwards, by Lady Jeanne Macpherson who was the widow of the Sieur de Macpherson. She acted as lady-in-waiting to Lady Nairne until the latter died in Paris in 1754. Lady Jeanne Macpherson died of "a putrid fever" according to her death certificate, which is still in existence and which is appended to this article. This fever, so certified by the doctors of the time, may well have been typhoid.

      Little is known about the daily life of this group of Scots expatriates who, for financial reasons, kept very much to themselves. It is clear, though, that their loyalty to their Cause and their conduct in adversity won them the respect of all classes in the country of their adoption.

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This respect was marked by the fact that the Bailli himself, the King's personal representative in the town, went in person to Lord Nairne's house to have the death of Lady Macpherson recorded by his clerk and a notary, as is shown in the certificate.

       No record exists of Lady Macpherson's grave, but it is worth mentioning that Lord Nairne had bought a plot of land called "Le Jardin de la Loge" just outside the town, to be maintained in the Scottish tradition as a lair for his family and close friends. We know that this plot was still tended with great care by his son until the end of the century. This son, Henry, had been one of the signatories to Lady Macpherson's death certificate.

       When development of the site took place, in 1893, three coffins were found and removed. According to local records there must have been a further four graves there, probably including that of Lady Macpherson. These, however, have not been located.

       NOTE: In the collection of material for this article, the writer is greatly indebted to M. Jean-Yves Ribault, Directeur des Services d'Archives Departmentales du Cher et de IAncienne Province de Berri, Bourges.

An/ee 1766, acte 98
15 f/evrier 1766. Dame Jeanne de Mcpherson.
       Aujourd'huy, samedy quinze f/evrier mil sept cent soixante six, heure de sept de rellev/e, nous, Francois-Marie Desbans, avocat en Parlement et Bailly des ville et comt/e de Sancerre, avec Me Etienne Perrinet de Lassay, procureur fiscal, et de Claude Germain, notre greffier ordinaire, /a la r/equisition de haut et puissant Seigneur Mylord Jean Nairne, comte de Nerne, Pere (sic) d'Ecosse, demeurant en cette ville, sommes transport6s en l'h/o\tel dudit Mylord comte de Nairne par nous trouv/e en son dit h/o\tel, accompagne de Messire Thomas Nairne, chevallier de l'ordre royal et militaire du Write, et de Messire Henry Nairne, ancien capitaine au R/egiment Royal-Ecossais, ses deux fils, nous a dit que Dame Jeanne de Mcpherson, ve de S . . . . . r (illegible; query "Sieur" or "Seigneur') . . . . . (illegible) de Mcpherson, ag/ee d'environ trente huit ans, . . . retir/ee en France depuis le d/ece\ds de son mary arriv/e en Ecosse vers l'ann/ee mil sept cent quarante six ou mil sept cent quarante sept, demeurante en ce royaume sous la protection du Roy (a line here deleted). ,. . . . et avec et dans la maison dudit Mylord Nairne depuis l'ann/ee mil sept cent cinquante deux, apre\s une maladie de quatre semaines qualliffi/ee par les medicins de fie\vre putride, vient de d'ec/eder chez lui, il y a environ une heure de temps, dans laquelle circonstance a 1'/effet de constater le temps du d'/ece\ds de laditte Dame de Mcpherson et que le pr/esent acte puisse en ce royaume, suivant les loix qui y sont /etablis, et partout ailleurs ou\ besoin seroit, luy servir d'acte mortuaire, ledit Mylord comte de Nairne avec lesdits messires Thomas et Henry Nairne, ses fils, nous font la pr/esente d/eclaration dont ils ont ensemblement

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requis acte que leur avons octroy/e, permettant que dans les vingt heures du d/ece\ds de la ditte dame de Mcpherson elle soit inhum/ee en la forme ordinaire, suivant la disposition des ordonnances rendues pour pareil cas, et lesdits Mylord comte de Nairne, Messires Thomas et Henry Nairne, sign/es avec nous, ledit procureur fiscal et notre greffier.

                                                  (Signatures) DESBANS         COMTE DE NAIRNE, PAIR D'ECOSSE                                                                                                         THO NAIRNE
                                                                                                        H NAIRNE
                                                                                                        PERRINET DE LASSAY
                                                                                                        C. GERMAIN         GREFFIER.

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JAMES "OSSIAN" MACPHERSON'S ANCESTRY

       It should be noted immediately that there is no mystery about James' birth. The baptismal register of the Parish of Kingussie records his birth on the 27th October 1736 to Andrew Macpherson in Invertromie and his wife Helen Macpherson, who is recorded under her maiden name according to the custom of the time. The problem revolves around the identity of these two individuals.

       The most important piece of evidence concerning his parents' identities comes in a statement in a letter from Alexander Clark, "writer at Ruthven in Badenoch", to the Reverend John Anderson, minister of Kingussie, one of the translator's executors, dated 25th October 1797 (the year after James' death and burial in Westminster Abbey):

       ". . . . . the late James Macpherson of Balville, Esquire, was born 27th October 1736, and dyed in February 1796, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His father's name was Andrew Macpherson, son to Ewan Macpherson, brother to the then Macpherson of Cluny. His mother's name was Ellen Macpherson, daughter of a respectable tacksman of the second branch of the Clan." (Alexander Macpherson, Glimpses of Church and Social Life in the Highlands, pp. 255, 256). Alexander Clark, the informant, was a nephew of James Macpherson, being son of James' only sister, Margaret, and can be accepted as a reliable witness. The problem now, is to identify "the then Macpherson of Cluny", that is, the chief in 1736, and find evidence of his having a brother Ewan, and to identify "the second branch of the Clan", and its tacksmen around 1700 when, we may assume, Helen (Ellen) Macpherson was born.

       The new evidence comes from Sir Aeneas Macpherson of Invereshie's marvellously detailed, genealogy of the clan, a copy of which has been

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discovered recently in the Invereshie Book in the Clan Museum. The genealogy was finished in 1705, and contains marriages and births which occurred immediately prior to that date. Among the marriages is that of Lachlan Macpherson of Nuide, who became Laird of Cluny and chief of the clan in 1722, and whose eldest son, Ewan of Cluny, led the men of Badenoch in the Jacobite Rising of 1745. Lachlan of Nuide and Cluny died in 1746, and must be the chief referred to in Alexander Clark's statement. Sir Aeneas Macpherson's genealogy shows that, besides three legitimate brothers and six sisters, Lachlan of Nuide had an illegitimate half-brother, Ewan, who was married to Bessy Clark, a daughter of Alexander Clark of Tullochmagerry. No children are recorded of this marriage, and it might be a reasonable assumption that it was a new one made about 1704. Ewan and Lachlan of Nuide's common parent was William of Nuide who, according to the genealogy, was married in 1667; it is probable that Ewan was born a year or two prior to that date, and was about 35 years old in 1700. It should be noted that illegitimacy was not a social stigma in the seventeenth century in the Highlands -- although it carried penalties in terms of inheritance of property. Ewan Macpherson was not only acknowledged by his father before the clan, but had obtained a good marriage with a wellknown and respected family of some property.

       With the evidence from the Invereshie genealogy the relationship of James Macpherson to the families of Cluny and Blairgowrie can be restated. He was, in fact, a second cousin of Duncan of the Kiln and Allan of Blairgowrie.

       The evidence of Alexander Clark and the Invereshie genealogy seems conclusive, and the writer is prepared to accept it as correct. However, there is conflicting evidence from another source which must be examined. Douglas of Glenbervie's "Baronage of Scotland", published in 1798, contains a fairly detailed genealogy of a few leading families in the clan. Internal evidence dates this information to 1766, thirty years before Clark's statement. In spite of this date, Glenbervie's information

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is only reliable in places: much of it is highly inaccurate and misleading, despite his access to Sir Aeneas' manuscript genealogy and several informants among the clansmen. For what it is worth, Glenbervie makes the following statement about William Macpherson, second son of John of Nuide, and uncle of William of Nuide:

       " . . . married twice, and of him there are a great many descendents, particularly the celebrated Mr. James Macpherson who translated Ossian's poems, &c., and is now secretary to the province of West Florida, &c."

       Sir Aeneas Macpherson of Invereshie's genealogy confirms that John of Nuide's second son was called William, that he was married twice, and that his second son was called Ewan. This Ewan, according to Sir Aeneas, was married to Bessy Macpherson, daughter of Donald Dow Macpherson, son of Captain Thomas of Invertromie, one of Montrose's officers in the great campaign of 1645 during the Civil War. No children are recorded, although married nephews and nieces are shown in the Nuide genealogy. Both Ewan and his wife belong to a generation earlier than that of Lachlan of Nuide and his brothers, but this does not exclude them as possible grandparents for James "Ossian" Macpherson. The Invertromie genealogy does not show any member of the generation after Bessy, although there were seven marriages recorded among her Invertromie cousins, including Duncan Macpherson of Invertromie himself.

       The alternative genealogy would look like this:

       Bessie Macpherson was the only child of Donald Dow Macpherson, and she probably inherited her father's right to possession of land in the farm of Invertromie. It will be recalled that James Macpherson's father, Andrew, was a tenant in Invertromie in 1736 when James was born. If Glenbervie's information is accepted as correct, it implies that Andrew was in Invertromie by right through his mother, not through right of his father. We have to dismiss Alexander Clark's claim on our credence and ignore his statement that James' grandfather, Ewan Macpherson, was a brother of the "then Macpherson of Cluny".

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     [ In the following year's CREAG DHUBH (No. 17 of 1964) the Editor pointed out that this dinner was held by the Clan Chattan Association in Edinburgh on 9th December, 1898. At this dinner, Cluny was hailed as Chief of Clan Chattan. The Chief at that time was Colonel Ewan, #22 , second son of 'Old Cluny'. What wasn't mentioned is that there were two competing Clan Chattan societies at the time -- one organized by the Macphersons and the other by the Mackintoshes. I expect that this competition went on until 1914 when the Nation had other fish to fry. It wasn't until 1933 that the Macphersons and Mackintsh buried their hatchets and formed the present day Clan Chattan Association.] .

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       James Macpherson appears now as a third cousin once removed to Allan of Blairgowrie, and the question arises as to what family obligations were responsible for bringing them together in their early boyhood. Allan and his brother John were brought up with James after the Rising of 1745, in which William the Purser was killed. Were Andrew in Invertromie and Helen Macpherson the foster-parents? Most important of all, where in Badenoch was James brought up? Answers to these questions would help to reduce the dilemma.

       The identity of Helen Macpherson, "daughter of a respectable tacksman of the second branch of the clan", presents even greater difficulties than that of James' father. Sir Aeneas' genealogy shows that the second branch of the clan in 1705 consisted of the families of Pitmain, Invertromie, Pitchirn, Clune, Strathmashie, Tirfodown, Garvamore, Shiromore, Bealid, Coronach and Invernahaun. For some reason no representatives of Pitmain, Invertromie, Bealid and Coronach appear in the Arbitration Bond signed by the tacksmen of the clan at Clune in May 1722, but this does not mean that these families were no longer prominent after that date. We have a wide choice.

       It is always dangerous to base genealogical arguments upon first names. The name Helen appears in the families of Pitmain, Pitchirn, Coronach and Invernahaun. The name Margaret appears in the families of Invertromie, Clune and Invernahaun. No conclusions can be drawn from these facts. On the other hand, Duncan Macpherson of Invertromie appears in Sir Aeneas' genealogy as married to Margaret Grant of Achnahannet. We might speculate that Helen Macpherson was a daughter of Duncan of Invertromie and Margaret Grant, and that she named her daughter after her mother.

       If we assume that Helen was a daughter of the tacksman of Invertromie several implications can be drawn. First it tends to dismiss Glenbervie's statement as incorrect. It implies that Andrew in Invertromie was tenant there by right of his wife and not by right of his mother. It further implies that Andrew may have moved from Invertromie when he succeeded to rights in land in the township of Nuide after his father Ewan's death. In this connection it is interesting to note that he was not among the Macphersons from Invertromie who surrendered at the end of the Rising in 1746. It is also noteworthy that one Andrew Macpherson in Ballintian surrendered at Blair Castle on the 17th May 1746, Ballintian being part of the farm of Laggan of Nuidbeg in the township of Nuide. He was evicted from Ballintian in 1751 by Ewan Macpherson, wadsetter of Laggan of Nuidbeg, a younger son of the Macphersons of Benchar, themselves a branch of the Macphersons of Nuide. If Andrew in Ballintian is identical with Andrew in Invertromie his eviction was in the nature of a family quarrel, probably involving the family of Cluny as principal in the wadset. Andrew in Ballintian moved to Nuidmore, another part of the township of Nuide possessed by another cousin, Donald Macpherson of Coulintinn. In 1751 and 1752 Andrew was ground officer on the Annexed Estate of Cluny, and was engaged till 1756 in an attempt to have the wadset of

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Laggan declared void in accord with the wishes of the family of Cluny. This could all be regarded as circumstantial evidence that this was the father of James Macpherson the translator. Again, we have to ask where James Macpherson spent his boyhood in Badenoch.

       According to Brig. Alan D. Macpherson of Blairgowrie (Private Communication: 29th May 1963), the mother of Allan and John, and widow of William the Purser, was Anna Macpherson. Cheyne-Macpherson limits his reference to this lady in his "Chiefs" (p. 125) with the remark that she was the relict or widow of Grant of Laggan when William the Purser married her. The Blairgowrie family, however, have documentary evidence that she was originally Anna Macpherson, sister of Donald Macpherson of Kinlochlaggan and Alexander Macpherson in Druminuird, a small farm in Strathmashie. Her family was, in fact, a cadet of the Macphersons of Strathmashie. Blairgowrie says that Allan and John appear to have lived with their maternal uncle, Alexander in Druminuird, after their father's death. If so, there appears to be little room for James. Perhaps James' mother was a Strathmashie rather than an Invertromie, but this would force us to accept Glenbervie's version. Another explanation might be that there was a fostering relationship between the Strathmashie and Invertromie Macphersons. We know practically nothing about the way this custom would work in the early eighteenth century Highlands.

       A question about the location of William the Purser's home in Badenoch elicited from Blairgowrie the fact that this was believed to have been near Crathie Bridge. This connection, although peripheral to the problem of James Macpherson's ancestry, raises problems not unrelated. The 1705 genealogy makes it perfectly clear that the Macphersons of Crathie Croy were cadets of Clunie who branched off in the mid-1500s. Glenbervie, however, makes two statements about the origin of the family, both in conflict with the 1705 genealogy:
       1. He states that Andrew, third son of John of Nuide, was the "ancestor of the Macphersons of Crathy-Croy". The 1705 MS makes it perfectly clear that this man was the ancestor of the Macphersons of Benchar.

       2. He further states that Andrew, third son of William of Nuide, was the ancestor of James Macpherson of Crath-Croy. This last person, it is implied, was alive in 1766 when Glenbervie's material was collected. In this connection it is noteworthy that there is evidence, quoted in "The Chiefs" (p. 125), that William the Purser had an elder brother James who might well have been alive in 1766 and in possession of Crathy Croy. James of Crathy Croy would then be a cousin of Andrew in Invertromie, if we accept Alexander Clark's version, and it might well be the case that James "Ossian" lived part of his boyhood with him. Crathy Croy is close enough to Druminuird to make it quite possible that he would see something of his cousins, Allan and John.

       Obviously, in elucidating this problem no solution has been found. It is the present writer's view, however, that the most likely explanation

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of James' ancestry is that given by Alexander Clark: that his father was a son of Ewan Macpherson, a bastard half-brother of Lachlan Macpherson of Nuide and Cluny; and that his mother was a daughter of the tacksman of Invertromie.

                                                 'N uair bhuaileas an t-eug a ghath orm,
                                                 Tha mo Shlanuighear air a chathair,
                                                 'S bheir e mi cho luath do Pharras
                                                 'S ged b'e righ na Spainne m'athair.

Translation

                                                         Truce to this. Such life is hollow.
                                                         Choose the golden mean to guide you.
                                                         Truce now, and my precepts follow,
                                                         Keep this rule of life beside e you.

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                                                         Grateful for what God has sent me,
                                                         Gold I neither hoard nor squander.
                                                         Raiment, fire and food content me;
                                                         From this path I do not wander.

                                                         When Death to the grave shall bear me,
                                                        God amid the just shall gather
                                                         My poor soul, nor would prefer me
                                                         Were the King of Spain* my father.

*The King of Spain being the eighteenth century symbol of wealth and power.

Let Farmers vent their ire and hate
Against the ruling powers of State,
Let men of commerce grumble more
Because they're pressed so wondrous sore;
Let every tradesman loud complain
That times are bad and must remain
Tiff saws and precept are in use
That will annihilate all abuse.
Give me my harp that I may bring
A lively note from every string
And in its humble powers confiding
I'll tell you of a Highland Wedding;
Within the wooded Vale of Spey,
A festival both grand and gay
Took place when linked were together
By Hymen's string and binding tether
A gentleman and lady fair
Would match the nymphs of classic air;
That festive day from break of dawn
Was hailed with joy by every one
And soon large parties did repair
To join each of the happy pair,
Proceeding to their destination
They witnessed loyal demonstration;
The Bridegroom forthwith did appear,
Impatient was his bonny dear
And soon the ceremony was gone through,
The Holy man performed his due;                            The Parson
Then bona fide the feast began
The dance, the drink, the mirth, the fun,

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'Tis hard indeed the time to name
When we can see the like again;
The road was bad, and dark the night
But hearts and feet were fain and light
And soon the piper's eager strains
Were heard approach the home domains;
Collected there a jovial crew
They were the many not the few;
The music sure was heart inspiring
And you'd think Gibraltar's guns were firing;
With greetings meet the Bride was hailed
And lasting cheers each ear assailed;
But now I may my reader warn
That the proceedings in the barn
Will at my hands due credit lose
When I attempt to tell the news,
"Little John" proclaimed order                               Drumcloan
Keeping all and sundry sober
"Paddy" pushed about the jorum,
Mr. Fraser kept decorum;
Enough of this for now I mean
That lads and lasses be my theme
For there a group of fair were seen
Would grace the levee of our Queen;
I must conclude from what I saw
That night within the bridal ha'
That there are bonny lasses still                             the Misses Cameron at Balinliesh
On Avon's banks beyond the hill;
The Banker seemed a little proud                           Dalraddy's son, Accountant in the C. Bank
Parading up and down the crowd
For he believed he had won the Belle
His partner pleased him so very well.                   Miss Cameron, his partner
Her dress was nice but then its form
Betrayed the native Cairngorm;
He who the upper part did wear                             Belliforth's son who got Miss Cameron's polka
To great advantage did appear;                             (fur-trimmed Polish coat) and wore it
But I can doubtless make you sure
A more ungainly caricature
Has not appeared for many ages
On Master Punch's sarcastic pages;
An excessive love for dancing,
Shouting, laughing, kicking, prancing
Seemed to inspire the antique lads
Who wore the ugly masquerades;
At Highland dance and Tulloch's reel                    Schoolmaster of Grantown had the misfortune to
The Dominie was light of heel                                  tear MissCameron's dress while dancing a reel
But got entangled in the trail
That swept about the Lady's tail;
The lad who wore the bonnet blue                           Donald Shaw, Auchgourish
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With Scotia's emblem in its brow
Seemed following some forlorn hope                          Miss Grant, Dalraddy
For to his mirth he gave no scope;
But Cumming sure the whole did ding                        William Cumming, Lynwilg
At dancing "Paddy's" Highland Fling
And gave them many comic jokes
As well as several shaving strokes;
I would occupy my time too much
To give the whole a passing touch
Though many more deserved praise
I'll pass them off for some few days
But when my muse her breath will take
I'll mind the flowers from Alvie's Lake                        Misses Grant, Dalraddy;
As well as those from Nethy's Braes                         Cummings, Lynwilg
All who this galliard gay did grace
From Garten, Tulloch and each place,
Not forgetting Peter Bain                                             The Fiddler, who wore spectacles
Who played in such a happy strain;
He too deserves my best respects
And long may he enjoy his specs;
To this you'll get a large addition
When I write out my next edition.

1st October 1850

A . F. Macpherson comments in sending this: "I have tried to identify various place names mentioned but have not been successful in the case of Drumcloan, Balinliesh and Belliforth. As there are references in the ballad to Nethy and the Avon it may be that some of these localities are a considerable distance from the scene of the celebration (at Alvie).

       The cave is situated on the south side of Creag Dhubh, opposite the westernmost of the two small lochs known. as Lochain Ovie, on the bank of the Spey, a little more than three miles from the Clan House in Newtonmore. The cave is on the, most precipitous part of the cliff

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above the road, and the entrance can be seen from a small sand-pit on the roadside. High up on the cliff are two horizontal rows of small trees, and the cave is nearly halfway along the lower row. The Clan Museum has a folder of photographs relating to the cave and, although they are now somewhat faded, they serve to show its approximate position on the hill. There is also a photograph in The Chiefs of the Clan Macpherson by Macpherson of Dalchully, and this indicates how steep is this part of Creag Dhubh.

       The cave itself is surprisingly small and would be too confined to accommodate more than one or two persons for any length of time. It is narrow throughout its length and runs parallel to the side of the cliff in an easterly direction. In its principal part it is some twenty feet long and it varies between five and six feet in height. It is thus possible to walk into the cave without much stooping. The floor is mainly of hard-packed earth, but there are a few outcrops of rock which would make the cave uncomfortable to sleep in. The width of the floor is in places no more than a foot, but it widens at waist level to some three or four feet and narrows again towards the roof. The walls are too uneven to give any accurate measurements, particularly near rooflevel where there is a sloping shelf in places.

       At the far end of the cave is a small compartment at a slightly higher level, and this might have been used as a fireplace or store. It is only about four feet high and five feet long, and has a rough and rocky floor. A feature of this small compartment is its two small openings, one on the roof and the other in a corner of the floor, which not only give some light to the cave but also keep it dry and aired. There is a similar opening in the principal part of the cave. No signs of any former occupation can be seen, but Grant R. Francis in his Romance of the White Rose tells of a sgian dubh and a small drinking cup which were found in the cave.

       A large platform of rock lies at the entrance to the cave, about three feet high and five feet long, which may well have served as a natural table. It also forms the doorstep to the cave, for every visitor must step on this rock before jumping down into the mouth of the cave. There are only one or two trees in the close vicinity and, nowadays, anyone entering or leaving the cave can easily be seen from the road below. There is a tradition that the hillside was heavily wooded in the eighteenth century, and this must have been so because the Hanoverian Forces under Sir Hector Munro never found the cave.

       Cluny had other hiding-places, most of them artificial, which he occupied during his nine years in Badenoch, after Culloden. The best known of his artificial structures was the famous "Cage" on the southern shoulder of Ben Alder, where Cluny entertained Prince Charles in September 1746; and there were other hiding-places at Ralia, Biallidmore, Strathmashie and Nessintully (south of Lochain Ovie). Between 1746 and 1755, Cluny's continued residence in Badenoch was regarded by the Hanoverian Government as constituting a major security risk, and

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there was a reward of one thousand guineas for information leading to his capture. Accordingly he never remained long in any one place and, if his presence became known to more than one family, he moved on immediately. Very few of his hiding places were ever discovered by his enemies.

       For anyone staying in Badenoch or passing through the district, a visit to the cave on Creag Dhubh makes a most interesting afternoon. The expedition should not be taken lightly, however, for it entails a hard and steep climb and the ground can be very slippery in places. For these reasons any intending visitor should have some grip on the soles of his shoes and should take great care on the climb and on the descent. The only safe route to the cave is by keeping close to the deer fence a few yards to the east of the sand-pit opposite Lochain Ovie. It is better to keep to the left side of this fence in order to avoid having to cross it high up on the hill, and to follow it until reaching about five hundred feet above the road where the fence turns sharply to the right. This part of the climb is the most arduous for, in addition to the steepness, the ground is very rough and slippery with most annoying branches of scrub getting in the way of the climber.

       The corner of the deer fence is level with the cave and, at this point, the visitor is more than half way there. However, owing to the roughness of the terrain, it is not possible to contour round the hill and the only safe way is to climb for a further fifty feet in a leftward direction through the wooded hillside towards a light-coloured cliff. Turning left along the base of this cliff, a path appears which is marked by a few small cairns. This path gradually descends and narrows as it comes out on the tree-lined ridge, but it stops suddenly on the table-shaped rock at the entrance to the cave.

       On a good day there is an excellent view from the cave which makes the climb almost a worthwhile end in itself, with a wide expanse of the western Cairngorms on the skyline. Nearer, the River Spey, Lochain Ovie and the Laggan Road are all laid out as if on a map. The view below is the most impressive, however, for the cave is situated at the top of an almost vertical rock-face and it demonstrates the excellent situation of the hide-out. It would certainly have been impossible for an enemy to surprise the occupants of the cave by approaching it from any other route than the cliff path described.

       It is hoped that this article will help any Clan members who wish to visit the cave and also to discourage anyone from wandering aimlessly over this dangerous part of Creag Dhubh.

EDITORIAL NOTE -- Mr. Barton comments on the fact that there are no signposts leading to the cave. There has recently been a certain amount of correspondence in The Badenoch Record on this very point and the matter was considered by the Clan Council. It cannot be too strongly emphasised that the climb can be very dangerous -- there has indeed been a fatal accident in the vicinity within the past twelvemonth -- and the Association cannot and must not take responsibility for any public notice which might be construed as an invitation to attempt the ascent.

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       The revival of Hebrew was faced with far more difficulties than confront us in Gaelic. The language was dead -- Gaelic is far from dead. Hebrew was faced with competition, not only from the English of the Mandatory Government, but from the native languages of the immigrants and, to an even greater extent, from the Yiddish tongue which formed a lingua franca amongst all Jews of every nationality. It was faced, too, with an active and vocal opposition from a large proportion of the people who held that it was a sacred language, not to be defiled by everyday usage but to be maintained purely for religious use. In spite of all this, Hebrew was revived. Gaelic, with none of these difficulties to face, continues to decline.

       This is no place to enter into the many and disgraceful discouragements which the language faces, imposed by the educational authorities, to say nothing of parental apathy, in the Gaelic-speaking areas. We are concerned at present merely with a general line of conduct to be followed by those who would like to see Gaelic reinstated as one of the principal languages of Scotland, in current and general use. The advantages of bi-lingualism need no stressing. The cultural and historic profit from knowing one's ancestral tongue are obvious. Equally obvious is the fact that many more people would today be learning and, what is more, speaking Gaelic if they were not discouraged by a defeatist attitude which is to a large extent prompted by those who ought to be in the forefront of the battle for the language. For example one need only mention the fact that the notice for An Comunn Gaidhealach's annual. meeting was this year sent out not in Gaelic, not bi-lingually, but in English only! With this example from those who should be leading the attack, it is small wonder that the rank-and-file tend to lose heart and to give up the straggle.

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       There is not a Scot who does not know one word at least of Gaelic and who cannot toast a friend with the word Slainte! (Health). Add to this foundation, and the next time that you are in company drink to Slainte mhath! (pronounce it 'slahntye vah') and you have now learned the word for 'good'. Go ahead from this and learn to say, Slainte mhath agus slainte mhor (pronounce the last word 'vor') and your vocabulary already consists of four words meaning 'Health', 'Good', 'And' (agus) and 'Great'. "Good Health and Great Health!" What could be easier?

       Don't bother about pronunciation at present, but begin your letters, A Charaid Choir (A is the sign of the vocative, Charaid is 'friend', choir is 'dear'. Or, if you are addressing a lady, A Bhana-charaid -- and this brings in yet another word, the feminine prefix which you speak of your wife, Mo bhean and so on. Sign your letters in Gaelic, too. "Is mise" meaning 'I am, myself'. Enlarge upon this to include, Is mise le speis ('with regards'). Or Is mise le gach speis ('with all regards') or even, is mise le gach speis agus deagh-ghean (add 'best wishes'). Sixteen words already -- and it wasn't hard work!

       Admittedly there can be an initial difficulty in pronouncing Gaelic, but this is a very minor point. When you travel in France, nobody expects you to speak like a native -- the great point is that you are trying and can, above all, make yourself understood in the language. It is surely no trouble to apply the same standard to the use and development of your Gaelic vocabulary.

       As for the spelling difficulties -- criticism of these comes badly from people who make no hardship of using the letters "ough" in no fewer than six different pronunciations! Letters and the combination of letters are merely tools, to be adapted for use as required. Gaelic has certain conventions in the use of letters, and particularly in the use of the letter "h". which has no place in the Gaelic alphabet but which serves merely. to modify the sound of other letters. This, too, should present no difficulty to the English-speaking who is accustomed to using the letter in the same way when the aspirate turns the explosive 'P' into the soft 'Ph', pronounced as 'F'.

       It is extraordinary and surprising how quickly one can build up quite a reasonable vocabulary with hardly any effort. Moderate perserverance and good-will is all that is needed. Try it -- agus gu'm a math a bhios sibh! 'And may it go well with you!'

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